| My criticisms of factual flaws in CFR (“Council          on Foreign Relations – “A Resource for nonpartisan Information          and analysis”) web posting (http://www.cfr.org/publication/12454/china_ups_ante_in_space.html)          on space weapons, from correspondence with author Mike Moran:   JimO-1 ref Reagan’s“space-based missile defense, …”          As I read it, his proposal makes no mention of ‘space based’          architectures.  MORAN: THE SPEECH WAS THE FIRST PUBLIC ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF SDI, A PROGRAM          WHICH ADVOCATED A SHIFT AWAY FROM A PURE POLICY OF DETERRENCE TO ONE WHICH          FACTORED IN BOTH SPACE AND GROUND BASED MISSILE DEFENSES. YOU'RE BEING          UNREASONABLE AND DELIBERATELY COY. JimO-2: There you go again. The factual issue is whether Reagan called          for a space-based architecture, as you originally wrote. Later design          work certainly considered (and rejected) such an option, but I seem to          recall that Reagan did not then or ever call for such an architecture          (and you seem to concede the point by not refuting it factually, which          would have been easy if your original statement had been accurate). It          is by no means unreasonable or coy, IMHO, to insist on people’s          statements being reported accurately.    ------------------------------  JimO-1: I object to the statement, “Beginning with Ronald Reagan’s          1983 proposal for space-based missile defense, the military’s share          of U.S. space spending has quadrupled. “  MORAN: DOD'S PUBLISHED SPACE BUDGET WENT FROM ABOUT 6.5 BILLION TO 17          BILLION IN THE PERIOD BETWEEN 1983 AND 2005. HOWEVER, FOR THE PURPOSES          OF THIS ARTICLE, WE INCLUDED BUDGET APPROPRIATIONS FOR SPACE- AND MISSILE-SHIELD          RELATED R&D. THAT MAKES THE "QUADRUPLED" CLAIM QUITE CONSERVATIVE.  JimO-2: I’d say the claim is, to the contrary, quite liberal.   Passing by the implied causation of the Reagan speech and the military          space budget increases (since the chart shows a beginning of a major military          space increase in the Carter administration), there’s the more serious          problem with use of the word ‘share’, and your attempted justification          of it by referring to absolute budget figures.   The ‘share’ of civilian-military budgets was about 50:50          in 1981-1982, and by 2002-3, was about, by that chart, 50:50. Where is          this ‘quadrupling’ of the share?   If you defend it by pointing to the quadrupling of the dollar amount,          then by NOT reporting a proportionate increase in the NASA budget (and          in other federal agency space expenditures, such as NOAA, not counted          on the chart), you are misinforming by misreporting, by omission. And          if you wish to make the figures for ‘military space’ more          alarming by adding in ALL missile defense spending, why not add in all          surface-to-surface missile acquisition and operating costs, too –          including the Navy’s nuclear missile submarines?   I suggest this ‘rubber boundary’ is a gimmick – by          choosing what to include and what not to include in what you CALL ‘military          space spending’, you can achieve a desired result.   If you really wish to include all space spending to assess the military          share, why don’t you include commercial space spending, launch services          and comm. sats, for example, and ground support for these space systems          and for commercial navigation satellite services? If you had a desired          outcome in mind from the beginning, this probably never occurred to you          – or you found ad hoc justification to ignore it (because it has          come to dominate both civilian and military government spending). This          is a statistical game.   As to the chart’s rise in military space in the years after 2003          (which are projections, not actual expenditures – note the date          of the report), you are free to blame this on George Bush – but          the chart shows Reagan (and SDI) innocent of the instigation of the alleged          (and non-existent) quadrupling of military space spending “share”.   And didn’t you notice the dollar values are not adjusted for Carter-era          (and other) inflation?   ---------------------------------- JimO-1: space shuttle mission military share  MORAN: IN THIS CASE, I THINK YOU'RE ABSOLUTELY RIGHT. IT WILL BE CORRECTED.          THE DATA I USED WAS BADLY OUTDATED. I THANK YOU FOR POINTING THIS OUT. JimO-2: How is blaming the data as ‘badly outdated’ deflecting          the responsibility for the error? Data doesn’t misrepresent itself, people misrepresent data. Are          you saying it’s nobody’s fault?   ------------------------------------- JimO-1: Complaint about statement, “Still, so far, ‘No nation          has deployed destructive weapons in space,’ notes the Union of Concerned          Scientists,..  MORAN: IT SEEMS TO ME WHAT UCS IS REFERRING TO ARE 'OVERT' DEPLOYMENTS.          THE U-S HAS DONE A LOT MORE IN SPACE THAN YOU OR I KNOW ABOUT, TOO, I'M          SURE.   JimO-2: OK, so you are saying, we don’t really have any evidence          that the US has done stuff like the Soviets did (cannon on manned space          station, orbital killer-satellites, etc), but you are “SURE”          it has. This, it seems to me, is a faith-based (read: “ideological”)          conjuring up of argument based on non-facts. And I note your facility          at flexibly redefining what ‘deployment’ means to make previous          statements, when shown to be in error, still ‘true’ if the          meaning of the words can be modified. I guess it all depends on what the          meaning of the word ‘is’ is, as they say.   ------------------------------------------ JimO-1: “You write: “But some in the United States viewed          the initiative as a threat to the country’s freedom of action (link:          Space Review). “ This is really outrageous. The link is to my essay          on space treaties, which you completely misunderstood and have misrepresented.          I don’t fuss about threats to US ‘freedom of action’          – I wrote about the push to sign a treaty that uses words that have          no commonly-agreed-on meaning and is not subject to verification. I’m          sorry you chose to dodge those points, but I think I can understand why          – they are difficult to answer, and so in the world where such advocates          control the agenda, they just aren’t mentioned.    MORAN: YOU CLEARLY VIEW THE DIPLOMATIC TRACK AS A RUSE - IT COMES SCREAMING          THROUGH IN YOUR PIECE. WHAT COULD YOU POSSIBLY OBJECT TO HERE?   JimO-2: I still object to your misrepresentation of my article, which          you now seem to justify on the basis of an opinion you attribute to me.          Actually, I would argue I have far more respect for the arms control treaty          process, since I don’t see it as grandstanding but as a tool for          national security – and while the US, by federal law, becomes robustly          bound by such treaties even as interpreted by federal courts in response          to privately-instigated complaints, no other major space player is remotely          subject to such scrutiny and enforcement, so why should THEY care what          the treaties actually say (or mean)? All of my specific issues with the          utility of currently proposed space weapons control agreements, issues          of fundamental definitions and verification and transparency – those          you have ignored, sadly but not surprisingly. |